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If the focus regarding the Synod of Whitby is on the specific decisions made, then it was simply one of many councils held concerning the proper calculation of Easter throughout Latin Christendom in the Early Middle Ages. Was it better to be on the inside in accepting a dating system that brought the celebration of Easter into line with the rest of the church but one that did not hold up to scientific scrutiny? It had a population of 128,377 at the and it is approximately 20 km 12 mi east of the Toronto borough of , and it is known as a commuter in the eastern part of the.\
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**Free Online Dating in Whitby, EN** - The identification of the location with the place later called is generally accepted, but not absolutely certain.\
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A manuscript of Bede's. There are two principal sources for the synod. The first source, the , is a work written by Stephen of Ripon, often identified as , probably soon after 710. The second source is the by the , written in 731. One of Bede's sources was the Life of Wilfrid itself, but he also had access to people who knew participants in the synod. For example, Bede knew , and dedicated many of his theological works to him. Acca was a companion of Wilfrid's on some of his journeys to Rome. Both accounts basically agree, though Bede gives a much lengthier discourse on the debate. The description of the proceedings, where King Oswiu presides and rules but does not engage in the ecclesiastics' debate himself, parallels examples of other synods in other sources, such as one in the Vita Sancti Bonifati by Willibald where King performed the same function as Oswiu. Nonetheless, it is important to observe that the authors, despite their relatively good access to sources concerning the synod, still wrote at a distance, and the accounts, especially the quotations attributed to the participants, are more likely to be summaries of how Bede and Stephen understood the issue rather than something like true quotations. Further, the motivations of the authors influenced how they presented the material. Bede placed his description of the event centrally in his narrative, and he has been recognised as overemphasising the historical significance of the synod because Easter calculation was of special interest to him, and also because he wished to stress the unity of the English Church. However, Bede's accuracy as a historian has been well regarded by Anglo-Saxon scholars, and historians have generally been comfortable following Bede's basic presentation of the synod. Stephen's text has found more criticism, and identified many of his inaccuracies, but Stephen's account of the synod did not suffer the same criticism as other passages in his work. In the kingdom of , these two traditions coexisted, and each had been encouraged by different royal houses. However, following his death and a year of political instability, gained the throne. He had learned Christian practice from the monks of Iona during his stay there while a political exile in his youth , and had encouraged Ionan missionaries to further the Christianization of Northumbria, especially the famous Bishop. One of the main differences between the two traditions, and hence a source of , was the proper. However, the in 325 decreed that Christians should no longer use the Jewish calendar but universally adopt the practice of celebrating it on a Sunday, the day of the resurrection, as had come to be the custom in Rome and Alexandria. Calculating the proper date was a complex process involving a , and different calculation tables developed which resulted in different dates for the celebration of Easter. In the 660s, Ionan adherents chose to continue using the 84-year Latercus cycle invented by Sulpicius Severus c. Meanwhile, the Papal Curia had commissioned the Aquitanian scientist Victorius AD 457 and later Dionysius Exiguus AD 525 to produce a new reckoning in order to sort out the differences between the Roman and scientifically superior Alexandrian Church. The three reckonings often resulted in a different date for the celebration of Easter. Neither the Victorian or Dionysian reckonings were without problems. Dionysius simply translated the Alexandrian system into Latin without understanding it. The Victorian system, confusingly, produced double-dates relying on the pope to choose which date to use. Nevertheless, the Victorian table was accepted widely outside of the Irish world. Around 602, the Irish missionary had already been condemned by a synod of French clerics for ignoring their authority and following his homeland's Easter calculations the Victorian table was declared official in Gaul in AD 541. Was it better to be on the inside in accepting a dating system that brought the celebration of Easter into line with the rest of the church but one that did not hold up to scientific scrutiny? The proper date of the celebration of the most significant Christian feast had already resulted in visible disunity in the Northumbrian court: Queen of Bernicia and her court observed Easter on a different day than did King. While one royal faction was celebrating Easter, the other would still be fasting during. Nonetheless, the disunity did not result in problems as long as the well-respected Aidan was alive. After his death, his successor found himself challenged by a monk named Ronan, an Irishman who had been trained in Rome and who wished to see the Roman Easter established. It was only in the time of , the third Ionan monk elected Bishop of Northumbria, that the conflict required royal attention and resolution. An important figure in the convocation of the synod was , Oswiu's son and sub-king in. In the early 660s, he expelled Ionan monks from the monastery of Ripon and gave it to , a Northumbrian churchman who had recently returned from Rome. Alchfrith's position in the royal house, together with his promotion of Wilfrid who would be the spokesperson for the Roman position at the synod , has contributed to the view that he was instrumental in arranging his father's convocation of the synod. The synod was held at a place called Streanæshalch, at a monastery of , herself a powerful Northumbrian noble and adherent to the Ionan Easter. The identification of the location with the place later called is generally accepted, but not absolutely certain. Another possible candidate is near York. The Ionan position was advocated by , Bishop of Northumbria. In support of the Roman position, Eanfled had sent her chaplain Romanus, and the position was also taken by , a bishop who also held office in England. Because of Agilbert's inability to express the complicated arguments in , which was for him a foreign language, Wilfrid was selected as the prime advocate for the Roman party. King Oswiu presided over the synod and acted as the final judge, who would give his royal authority in support of one side or the other. Bishop Colmán argued the Ionan calculation of Easter on the grounds that it was the practice of , founder of their monastic network and a saint of unquestionable holiness, who himself had followed the tradition of the and. Oswiu then declared his judgment in favour of the holder of the keys, i. Wilfrid, chief advocate for the Roman position, later became Bishop of Northumbria, while Colmán and the Ionan supporters who did not change their practices withdrew to Iona. Colmán was allowed to take some relics of Aidan, who had been central in establishing Christianity of the Ionan tradition in Northumbria, with him back to Iona. To replace the departing ecclesiastics, Oswiu chose mostly Irishmen who were from the parts of Ireland that kept the Roman Easter as most of Ireland had done for some time by the 660s. If the focus regarding the Synod of Whitby is on the specific decisions made, then it was simply one of many councils held concerning the proper calculation of Easter throughout Latin Christendom in the Early Middle Ages. It addressed the issue of Easter calculation and the proper , and concerned only the part of the English Church that answered to the See of Lindisfarne — that is, it was a Northumbrian affair. If the focus on Whitby is on the eventual consequences, then we might see the effects as more than just decisions on tonsure and dating of Easter, and instead see it as an important step in the eventual Romanisation of the church in England. This Romanisation might have occurred anyway without the Synod of Whitby. Until fairly recently, the Scottish Divinity Faculty course on Church History ran from the to 664 before resuming in 1560. Whatever might be the facts, to supporters, the symbology of a Celtic Church has importance post-. In placing the synod in its proper historical context, Anglo-Saxon historians have also noted the position of the synod in the context of contemporary political tensions. Henry Mayr-Harting considered Alchfrith's interest in the convocation of the synod to be derived from his desire to see his father's position in challenged and to see the replacement of Colmán with another bishop who would be more aligned with himself. Wilfrid and the See of Ripon', in English Historical Review 34 1919. Jones introductory text to his edition of Bedae Opera de Temproibus Cambridge, Mass. The Rise of Western Christendom: Triumph and Diversity, 2nd ed. Stephen Baxter Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006.
